By: Amara Galileo
The 2024 national and provincial elections represented a critical juncture in South Africa’s history. While the concept of a Government of National Unity (GNU) is not foreign to the nation—the first was established in 1994 to broker the transition from apartheid—this new coalitional arrangement has marked the end of ANC dominance and the beginning of a new political landscape. Falling short of the 50+1% mark that would have maintained the African National Congress’ controlling majority, the formerly dominant liberation party was forced to negotiate a deal with opposition parties after being humbled with a mere 40% of vote share. The ensuing arrangement between the ANC, Democratic Alliance, Inkatha Freedom Party, Patriotic Alliance, and other small parties has been coined a Government of National Unity and serves as a political partnership and agreement to co-govern.
This new iteration of the GNU differs significantly from the 1994 version headed by Nelson Mandela. Firstly, the 1994 GNU was not a necessity, but a concession and effort to ensure inclusivity and collaborative efforts in the phased transition to democracy. Although the ANC won a commanding 63% of vote share in these elections with a resulting 252 out of 400 seats in the National Assembly, rather than operating unilaterally, ANC leadership intentionally appointed members from the Inkatha Freedom Party and the National Party to prominent cabinet positions. Contrastingly, the 2024 GNU was formed out of necessity, ultimately serving to avoid political deadlock and create stability in the new administration. The context in which these two GNUs have operated is also dissimilar. While the primary aim of the 1994 government of national unity was to promote national reconciliation in a post-apartheid South Africa, the 2024 version encompasses a more diverse coalition of parties with a wide range of ideological interests and political priorities.
While we do use the term “government of national unity” when describing the current arrangement, it is more of a rhetorical tool than a phrase grounded in reality. A key characteristic of GNUs is their inclusivity, and they necessarily include representatives from all major political parties. Notable absences in the present arrangement are the Economic Freedom Fighters and the newly-formed uMkhonto weSizwe parties. Taken together, this means that the “GNU” fails to represent the nearly 25% of national vote share obtained by these parties, as well as the interests of their constituencies. One cannot have a true GNU without meaningful representation of the 3rd and 4th largest parties in the nation. Critics have also noted that GNUs are intended to more evenly distribute power, and the present GNU remains largely dominated by the ANC despite its loss of majority. A truly representative arrangement would allocate cabinet seats in proportion to national vote share, whereas currently the ANC is clearly overrepresented in these positions. In these ways, the current governmental arrangement runs the risk of being a mere rebrand of the typical ANC domination.
At this early stage, the implications of the new GNU for the average South African remains unclear. However, the 2024 national and provincial elections have sent a clear message to elites that citizens will no longer tolerate a nation dominated by one party—regardless of how impactful that party was historically. Moving forward, elections are likely to be much more competitive, with smaller parties rising and falling and various coalitional agreements taking shape. Theoretically, the strength of any coalitional government is the increase in accountability. If the present GNU functions properly, no longer will the ANC be able to make largely unilateral decisions, and no longer will leaders have impunity or the ability to abuse public office for their own personal gain. Each party will check the other and ideally bring to light any maladministration within government. Additionally, the GNU democratizes political decision-making in that it is more inclusive of various ideological and identity groups. While hopefully accounting for the good of all South Africans, each party may be seen to represent their specific constituency, and thus deliberation will theoretically consider the desires of a larger proportion of the population. If the GNU functions optimally, this is an opportunity for real democratic dividends – namely improved social service delivery, the creation of jobs, and policies that benefit all segments of society. If governance improves, the lives of South Africans will improve. The extent to which the GNU will function as intended remains to be seen.
Various factors will determine the success or failure of the GNU. From my perspective, below are several of the most vital.
This GNU may mark the beginning of a new political dawn in South Africa. Despite ideological divergences, a fruitful coalition among the ANC, DA, and others is very much within reach. What will determine success in addition to much-needed democratic dividends is mature leadership, a willingness to compromise, and a prioritization of collective interests over individual. South Africans are weary of one-party dominance with no accountability. May the new administration deliver the effective and inclusive government that citizens desire.
Amara is a research fellow at DDP. She writes on her persona capacity